Why Keisha Lance Bottoms Is Bad for Gwinnett County

On November 3, 2026, Georgia voters will choose their next governor. The stakes could not be higher for Gwinnett County — the state's second-largest county, home to nearly one million residents, and the economic engine of metro Atlanta. The choice is between Republican nominee Rick Jackson, a conservative businessman who built a healthcare empire from nothing, and Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms, the former mayor of Atlanta whose four-year tenure left the city scarred by record violence, broken by riots, and abandoned by the businesses that once powered its economy.

For the residents of Gwinnett County, the question is not abstract. What happens in Atlanta does not stay in Atlanta. Crime spills across county lines. Economic decline in the city core pushes instability into the suburbs. And a governor sets the policies — on taxes, policing, education, and immigration — that shape the daily lives of every family in Lawrenceville, Duluth, Suwanee, Snellville, Norcross, Peachtree Corners, and every community across Gwinnett.

The record of Keisha Lance Bottoms is not a mystery. It is documented in crime statistics, business closures, and the exodus of residents who fled Atlanta during her tenure. Before Gwinnett County voters hand her the keys to the governor's mansion, they should examine what she did with the keys to City Hall.

The Crime Wave That Defined Her Mayoral Term

When Keisha Lance Bottoms took office as mayor of Atlanta in January 2018, she inherited a city that had been making steady progress on public safety. By the time she left office in January 2022, Atlanta was in the grip of a violent crime wave that drew national attention and shattered the community's sense of security.

The numbers tell the story:

• Homicides surged during her tenure. In 2019, Atlanta recorded 104 homicides. In 2020, that number jumped to 157 — a 51% increase in a single year. In 2021, the city recorded 158 murders, tying the previous year's grim total. The two-year total of 315 murders under Bottoms represented one of the deadliest stretches in modern Atlanta history.
• Homicides were up 57% in the first 18 weeks of 2021 alone, according to police statistics cited by The New York Times. Aggravated assaults were up 50%, and shooting incidents were climbing sharply.
• The Buckhead secession movement was born on her watch. The affluent Buckhead neighborhood — long one of Atlanta's safest and most prosperous districts — launched a serious campaign to secede from the city entirely, citing the crime surge under Bottoms as the primary reason. Residents who had lived in Buckhead for decades felt so unsafe that they were willing to dismantle the city to escape her jurisdiction. The movement reached the Georgia General Assembly, where it garnered significant Republican support before ultimately falling short.
• The COVID crime wave. Bottoms herself acknowledged the crisis, dubbing it a "COVID crime wave" and releasing a "One Atlanta: One APD" immediate action plan in January 2021 — a tacit admission that her previous three years of policing policy had failed.

For Gwinnett County residents, the Buckhead secession movement is the most telling indicator. When the wealthiest neighborhood in your city wants to leave because they no longer feel safe, you have failed as a mayor. And if Bottoms failed to keep Buckhead safe — a neighborhood with its own security patrols, high-income tax base, and political influence — how would she protect communities across Gwinnett County that do not have those advantages?

The 2020 Riots: A Mayor Who Lost Control of Her City

On May 29, 2020, protests erupted in downtown Atlanta following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis. What began as a peaceful demonstration devolved into chaos. Buildings were vandalized, police vehicles were destroyed, and businesses were looted. The violence spread to Buckhead, where firefighters were unable to reach a burning building because protesters blocked the streets. At least one person was shot.

Mayor Bottoms declared a state of emergency. Governor Brian Kemp activated the Georgia National Guard, deploying more than a thousand troops to Atlanta. The city was placed under a 9 p.m. curfew — what Bottoms herself called a "very unusual and extreme step."

Then came the killing of Rayshard Brooks on June 12, 2020. A police officer shot and killed Brooks outside a Wendy's restaurant in south Atlanta. The incident triggered another wave of protests. The Wendy's was burned to the ground. And Bottoms' response — which included calling for the officer's immediate termination before a full investigation — was seen by many law enforcement officers as a betrayal. Atlanta police officers called in sick by the dozens in the days that followed, a coordinated protest of a mayor they believed had abandoned them.

The officers were right to be angry. Bottoms had created a Use of Force Advisory Council in June 2020, stacking it with activists rather than law enforcement professionals. She implemented 45-day recommendations that restricted officer discretion and signaled to the police force that their mayor viewed them with suspicion rather than support.

For the families of Gwinnett County, the lesson of 2020 is clear: when a city's leadership fails to support law enforcement during a crisis, the city burns. And when Atlanta burns, the instability reaches Gwinnett. Gwinnett County Sheriff's Office and local police departments should not have to compensate for a governor who undermines their counterparts in the state capital.

Cash Bail Reform: Releasing Criminals Back onto the Streets

One of Bottoms' signature policy initiatives was cash bail reform. In 2018, she signed an ordinance eliminating cash bail for most non-violent offenses in Atlanta's municipal court. The policy was praised by criminal justice reform advocates and progressive organizations. It was a disaster in practice.

The theory behind cash bail reform is simple: poor people should not be jailed simply because they cannot afford bail. The reality is that eliminating cash bail for a broad category of offenses means that repeat offenders — people who commit petty crimes today and violent crimes tomorrow — are released back onto the streets within hours of arrest.

Atlanta's cash bail reform drew criticism from law enforcement, prosecutors, and victims' advocates who warned that the policy was contributing to the city's crime problem. The Southern Center for Human Rights, which supported the reform, acknowledged that the ordinance was broad, covering "most minor non-violent offenses that come before the municipal court." But in a city where homicides were surging, the distinction between "non-violent" and "violent" offenders was often a matter of timing — the same individual who was arrested for a non-violent offense today could be arrested for a violent offense next week.

If Bottoms brings this philosophy to the governor's mansion, every county in Georgia — including Gwinnett — will feel the impact. Gwinnett County's jail system, managed by the Sheriff's Office, operates on the principle that dangerous criminals should be detained. A governor who believes in eliminating cash bail will appoint judges, parole board members, and criminal justice officials who share that philosophy. And the result will be the same result Atlanta experienced: more criminals on the streets, more victims, and more fear.

She Didn't Even Run for Re-election

Perhaps the most damning indictment of Keisha Lance Bottoms' mayoral record is this: she did not seek re-election. On May 6, 2021, with seven months remaining in her term, Bottoms announced that she would not run for a second term as mayor of Atlanta.

In the history of Atlanta politics, no mayor had failed to seek re-election in modern times. Bottoms was the first. Her approval ratings had cratered. The crime wave had not abated. The business community had lost confidence. And rather than face the voters and defend her record, she chose to leave.

The Republican nominee for governor, Rick Jackson, has made this point the centerpiece of his campaign: "Keisha Lance Bottoms did such a bad job as mayor, she didn't even run for re-election."

He is right. A leader who abandons her post when the going gets tough is not qualified to lead a state. Georgia's next governor will face challenges — economic headwinds, immigration enforcement, education reform, infrastructure demands — that are far more complex than managing a single city. If Bottoms could not handle Atlanta, she cannot handle Georgia.

Medicaid Expansion: A Tax Burden Gwinnett Cannot Afford

On the policy front, Bottoms has made expanding Medicaid the centerpiece of her gubernatorial campaign. She has pledged to fight for Medicaid expansion, claiming it would give 300,000 Georgians access to affordable health care and prevent hospital closures in rural communities.

The reality of Medicaid expansion is different. In states that have expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, the costs have consistently exceeded projections. State budgets have been strained. And the expansion has primarily benefited able-bodied adults without children — not the working families or elderly residents that Bottoms invokes.

For Gwinnett County, Medicaid expansion means higher state taxes. Gwinnett is a high-income county. Its residents pay a disproportionate share of Georgia's income tax revenue. A governor who expands Medicaid will need to fund it — and the funding will come from the taxpayers of Gwinnett, Fulton, Cobb, and the other counties that generate the state's revenue.

Georgia's current governor, Brian Kemp, rejected Medicaid expansion and instead pursued a conservative alternative: the Pathways to Coverage program, which requires work or volunteer hours as a condition of enrollment. This approach reflects conservative principles — personal responsibility, limited government, fiscal restraint. Bottoms would scrap it in favor of a blanket expansion that imposes costs without requiring accountability.

Economic Record: Businesses Fled, Restaurants Closed

The Rick Jackson campaign has invested $87 million in advertising targeting Bottoms' mayoral record, with a particular focus on the economic damage she caused Atlanta. The campaign blames her for the failure of dozens of restaurants during the COVID-19 pandemic, citing her "record of excuses" that left Atlanta worse off.

Bottoms clashed with Governor Kemp over the reopening of businesses in April 2020. Kemp moved to reopen Georgia's economy; Bottoms publicly opposed the move, declaring that Atlanta "can't sit by while people die." The tension between the mayor and the governor created uncertainty for businesses, with conflicting guidance about what was permitted and what was not.

For Gwinnett County, which has its own thriving restaurant and small business community, the lesson is clear: a governor who prioritizes lockdowns over livelihoods will impose economic damage that takes years to repair. Gwinnett's economy — anchored by technology companies, logistics, healthcare, and small businesses — depends on a governor who understands that economic growth requires stability, not constant regulatory uncertainty.

The Contrast: Rick Jackson vs. Keisha Lance Bottoms

The choice in November 2026 is stark:

Rick Jackson is a self-made billionaire healthcare executive who built a company that employs thousands of Georgians. He has never held elected office, which in this political environment is a feature, not a bug. His campaign has focused on Bottoms' failed mayoral record, spending $87 million to remind voters of the crime, economic decline, and broken promises that defined her time at City Hall. Jackson defeated Trump-endorsed Lt. Gov. Burt Jones in the Republican runoff, earning 52.7% of the vote and demonstrating that Georgia Republicans want a candidate who can self-fund a competitive race against a well-funded Democratic machine.

Keisha Lance Bottoms is a career politician who served one term as mayor of Atlanta, presided over a historic crime wave, lost control of her city during the 2020 riots, signed cash bail reform legislation that released criminals back onto the streets, and then quit rather than face voters for re-election. She was appointed to a White House position by Joe Biden — and was out of a job when President Trump took office in January 2025.

Jackson has pledged to support law enforcement, maintain Georgia's pro-business climate, and reject the progressive policies that turned Atlanta into a cautionary tale. Bottoms has pledged to expand Medicaid, continue criminal justice reform, and bring the same approach to state government that she brought to Atlanta's City Hall.

Why Gwinnett County Cannot Afford a Governor Bottoms

Gwinnett County is the future of Georgia. It is diverse, growing, and economically dynamic. But it is also a county that depends on public safety, fiscal restraint, and pro-business policies to maintain its quality of life. A governor who does not understand these priorities — or who actively opposes them — would set Gwinnett back a decade.

Consider what Bottoms' policies would mean for Gwinnett:

• Public Safety: A governor who signed cash bail reform and created a Use of Force Advisory Council stacked with activists would appoint criminal justice officials who share her philosophy. Gwinnett's low crime rate depends on a justice system that holds criminals accountable. A Bottoms administration would undermine that system from the top down.
• Taxes: A governor who expands Medicaid will need to fund it. Gwinnett's high-income residents will bear the cost. The same governor who eliminated income taxes for teachers as a campaign promise — a selective tax break that picks winners and losers — would expand the tax code to fund progressive priorities rather than cut taxes across the board.
• Education: A governor from the Democratic Party that opposes school choice, opposes voucher programs, and opposes parental rights legislation would be a setback for Gwinnett families who want control over their children's education. The Gwinnett County Public Schools system is already under pressure from parents who demand transparency and accountability. A Governor Bottoms would side with the education bureaucracy, not the parents.
• Immigration: A governor who opposed Kemp's law enforcement policies would be less likely to support ICE cooperation, 287(g) agreements, and HB 1105 compliance. Gwinnett County has worked hard to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement. A Governor Bottoms would reverse that progress.
• Economic Development: A governor whose business closures and lockdown rhetoric damaged Atlanta's economy would bring the same approach statewide. Gwinnett's economic engine cannot afford a governor who treats businesses as adversaries rather than partners.

The Bottom Line

Keisha Lance Bottoms had her chance. She was elected mayor of Atlanta — the economic and cultural capital of the Southeast — and she failed. Crime surged. Businesses closed. Neighborhoods wanted to secede. And rather than face the voters and defend her record, she quit.

Now she wants a promotion. She wants the governor's mansion, with control over the Georgia State Patrol, the Department of Revenue, the Department of Education, the Board of Pardons and Paroles, and every regulatory agency that shapes life in Gwinnett County.

The residents of Gwinnett County should not give it to her. A leader who could not manage one city should not be entrusted with managing 159 counties. A mayor who signed cash bail reform and presided over a 51% increase in homicides should not be allowed to appoint the criminal justice officials who will shape Gwinnett's courts. And a politician who quit when the job got hard should not be handed a harder job.

Rick Jackson is not a perfect candidate. No candidate is. But he is a businessman who has created jobs, funded his own campaign, and made Bottoms' failed record the central issue of the race. That is exactly the right priority. Georgia does not need a governor who will bring the policies of failed cities to the state level. It needs a governor who will support law enforcement, cut taxes, defend parental rights, and keep the state's economy growing.

On November 3, 2026, Gwinnett County voters have a choice. They can elect a governor who will protect their families, their businesses, and their values — or they can elect Keisha Lance Bottoms and hope that the same policies that failed Atlanta will somehow work better when applied to the entire state.

The answer is obvious. The record speaks for itself. And Gwinnett County — the county that has become the model for conservative governance in metro Atlanta — should reject Keisha Lance Bottoms and elect Rick Jackson as the next governor of Georgia.